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Regression // 527 // 2026-09-02 // US Census Bureau, 2020 apportionment, keyless

One Wyoming vote,
how many California votes?

All 50 states, 2020 Census apportionment. House seats alone track population closely — slope 0.97, 95% CI [0.94, 1.00], contains the proportional value of 1 (p=0.07). Add the Constitution's fixed +2 Senate seats to get real electors and the slope falls to 0.68, CI [0.64, 0.71] — excludes 1. Population per electoral vote: 192,573 in Wyoming vs. 732,903 in California, a 3.8× gap. In the Senate alone, fixed at 2 seats per state with no fit needed: 68.5×.

Two-panel chart. Left: log-log scatter of electoral votes vs population for 50 states, a red fitted line of slope 0.68 running visibly shallower than a dashed amber reference line of slope 1, with Wyoming and California labeled at opposite ends. Right: horizontal bar chart comparing the five states with the most electoral power per person (Wyoming, Vermont, Alaska, North Dakota, Montana, all around 200-270 thousand people per vote) against the five with the least (California, Texas, New York, Florida, Ohio, all near 700 thousand people per vote).
Left: electors vs. population, 50 states, fitted slope against the proportional reference. Right: the five most and five least electorally weighted states per person.
The House alone is close enough to call proportional
0.97
Log-log slope, House seats vs. population, 50 states, 95% CI [0.94, 1.00] — contains 1, p=0.07 vs. the proportional null.
Add the fixed +2 and proportionality breaks
0.68
Same regression on electors (House+2), 95% CI [0.64, 0.71] — excludes 1 outright. Bootstrap agrees: CI [0.63, 0.73].

“A Wyoming vote counts for more than a California vote” circulates every four years, usually with no number attached. There is a real, citable number, and the US Census Bureau's own 2020 apportionment table — the count that sets both the House and, by extension, the Electoral College for the decade — is enough to compute it without touching a poll or a model. Every one of the 50 states' apportionment population and House seat count comes straight from the Bureau's own release; electoral votes are not a Census number but are not invented either — they are the House seat count plus a fixed 2, written into the US Constitution (Article II and the 12th and 23rd Amendments), applied here as a formula, not a lookup.

The House itself comes close to proportional — close enough that this run can't rule out perfect proportionality at conventional significance. Regressing log₁₀(House seats) on log₁₀(population) across all 50 states: slope 0.973, 95% CI [0.943, 1.002], R²=0.989. Tested against the null that the slope is exactly 1 — what perfect proportional representation would look like — the interval's own upper bound just barely reaches 1.00 (p=0.07): contains 1, not confirmed different from proportional. The reason it isn't exactly 1: every state gets a floor of one House seat no matter how small, which is the only thing bending the House's own Method of Equal Proportions away from strict population-proportionality.

Bolt on the fixed two Senate seats every state gets, and the picture flips hard. The same regression on electoral votes (House seats + 2) returns slope 0.679, 95% CI [0.644, 0.715], R²=0.969 — a 4,000-draw bootstrap agrees almost exactly (CI [0.626, 0.733], 0% of resamples above 1.0). This interval excludes 1 by a wide margin (t=-18.3 vs. the proportional null). The disproportion the House itself avoids is entirely reintroduced by a flat, population-blind add-on applied equally to Wyoming and California alike.

Named, in people per vote. Wyoming, the smallest state, has 577,719 people and 3 electoral votes — 192,573 people per electoral vote. California has 39,576,757 people and 54 electoral votes — 732,903 people per electoral vote. A Californian's electoral share is diluted 3.8× further than a Wyomingite's. Ohio, Florida, New York and Texas sit in the same diluted band as California — the five biggest states are the five least electorally weighted per person, and the four smallest (Wyoming, Vermont, Alaska, North Dakota, all frozen at the 1-seat floor) are the five most weighted.

The Senate needs no regression at all — it's the structural extreme the House and Electoral College sit between. Every state gets exactly 2 senators regardless of population, by the Constitution's own text; that's not a slope to estimate, it's a fact to divide by. Wyoming: 288,860 people per senator. California: 19,788,378 people per senator. Ratio: 68.5× — roughly 18 times more lopsided than the Electoral College figure, because the Electoral College at least partially inherits the House's near-proportional seats before the fixed +2 is added, while the Senate is 100% fixed add-on and 0% population-weighted.

The math

log₁₀(seats or electors) ~ log₁₀(2020 apportionment population) · OLS · 50 states · tested against H₀: slope = 1 (proportional), not slope = 0
Regressionnslope95% CIp vs. slope=1excludes 1?
House seats alone50+0.973[+0.943, +1.002]0.9890.067no
Electors (House + fixed 2)50+0.679[+0.644, +0.715]0.9690yes

“Excludes 1” means the 95% CI does not contain slope=1 (perfect proportionality). The Senate row isn't in this table because it needs no regression: every state gets exactly 2 senators by the Constitution's text, so log(senators) vs. log(population) has a slope of exactly 0 by construction.

Method. Every row comes from the US Census Bureau's own "Table 1. Apportionment Population and Number of Representatives by State: 2020 Census" — the official release that reapportions the House (and thus the Electoral College) for the decade, computed under the Method of Equal Proportions (2 U.S.C. §§2a, 2b). Electoral votes are computed as House seats + 2, the fixed Senate-seat add-on set by Article II and the 12th/23rd Amendments — a formula applied to the Bureau's own seat counts, not a separately sourced or estimated number. Both regressions are ordinary least squares in log-log space, tested against the null that the slope equals 1 (what an exactly population-proportional system would produce), not the trivial null of zero — of course seats and electors rise with population; the question worth asking is whether they rise at the same rate.

Limits, stated plainly. The Bureau's own apportionment population figure "excludes the population of the District of Columbia" by definition — DC gets 3 electoral votes under the 23rd Amendment despite having no House seats and appearing nowhere in this table, so it is left out of both regressions entirely rather than patched in from a different, non-apportionment population source. All 50 states are used, not a sample — there is no sampling uncertainty in the ordinary sense; the confidence intervals here describe how much the fitted slope could plausibly differ under a different draw of the same underlying apportionment rule, cross-checked with a case-resampling bootstrap that agrees closely. This run measures the mechanical seat-and-elector math only: it says nothing about voter turnout, ballot access, or whether cast votes actually convert to electoral outcomes at the rate the seat counts imply.

The data (all 50 states)

apportionment_2020_527.csv · fit output (JSON).

State2020 populationHouse seatsElectorsPop. / electorPop. / senator
California39,576,7575254732,90319,788,378
Texas29,183,2903840729,58214,591,645
Florida21,570,5272830719,01810,785,264
New York20,215,7512628721,99110,107,876
Pennsylvania13,011,8441719684,8346,505,922
Illinois12,822,7391719674,8816,411,370
Ohio11,808,8481517694,6385,904,424
Georgia10,725,2741416670,3305,362,637
North Carolina10,453,9481416653,3725,226,974
Michigan10,084,4421315672,2965,042,221
New Jersey9,294,4931214663,8924,647,246
Virginia8,654,5421113665,7344,327,271
Washington7,715,9461012642,9963,857,973
Arizona7,158,923911650,8113,579,462
Massachusetts7,033,469911639,4063,516,734
Tennessee6,916,897911628,8093,458,448
Indiana6,790,280911617,2983,395,140
Maryland6,185,278810618,5283,092,639
Missouri6,160,281810616,0283,080,140
Wisconsin5,897,473810589,7472,948,736
Colorado5,782,171810578,2172,891,086
Minnesota5,709,752810570,9752,854,876
South Carolina5,124,71279569,4122,562,356
Alabama5,030,05379558,8952,515,026
Louisiana4,661,46868582,6842,330,734
Kentucky4,509,34268563,6682,254,671
Oregon4,241,50068530,1882,120,750
Oklahoma3,963,51657566,2171,981,758
Connecticut3,608,29857515,4711,804,149
Utah3,275,25246545,8751,637,626
Iowa3,192,40646532,0681,596,203
Nevada3,108,46246518,0771,554,231
Arkansas3,013,75646502,2931,506,878
Mississippi2,963,91446493,9861,481,957
Kansas2,940,86546490,1441,470,432
New Mexico2,120,22035424,0441,060,110
Nebraska1,963,33335392,667981,666
Idaho1,841,37724460,344920,688
West Virginia1,795,04524448,761897,522
Hawaii1,460,13724365,034730,068
New Hampshire1,379,08924344,772689,544
Maine1,363,58224340,896681,791
Rhode Island1,098,16324274,541549,082
Montana1,085,40724271,352542,704
Delaware990,83713330,279495,418
South Dakota887,77013295,923443,885
North Dakota779,70213259,901389,851
Alaska736,08113245,360368,040
Vermont643,50313214,501321,752
Wyoming577,71913192,573288,860
Sources. US Census Bureau, 2020 Census apportionment, Table 1 — keyless · electoral vote count = House seats + 2, per US Const. art. II & amend. XII, XXIII.

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